Everybody on earth has fantasized about some explicit sexual fantasy.
The Secondary Sources are not subdivided by discipline because it has proven impossible to find categories which do anything but confuse rather than clarify the content of the sources. For more help, see Pitard, “A Selected Bibliography for Lollard Studies,” indexed under “Bibliographies and Indices” on the Bibliography of Primary Sources. Lollardy appears in the circle of readers around Margery de Nerford. Considering trends in scholarship on religious orthodoxy, the history of late medieval England, and the history of late medieval Europe, he proposes directions for future research.] —. 1663) show these women refashioning the courtroom audience into a congregation responsive to their clerical skills. [According to Ghosh, “one of the main reasons for Lollardy’s sensational resonance for its times, and for its immediate posterity, was its exposure of fundamental problems in late-medieval academic engagement with the Bible, its authority and its polemical uses. “Logic, Scepticism, and ‘Heresy’ in Early-Fifteenth Century Europe: Oxford, Vienna, Constance.” Denery, Ghosh, and Zeeman 261-83. “Wyclif and the Independence of the Church in England.” 95-119. “The Mole in the Vineyard: Wyclif at Syon in the Fifteenth Century.” Barr and Hutchinson 129-62. In fact, he thought certain texts were quite sound, and he conceded that the pope does have the right to pass laws for the good of the Church, providing that such statutes are in keeping with Holy Scripture. ” Erasing Oldcastle: Some Literary Reactions to the Lollard Rising of 1414.” . “A Wycliffite Bible Possibly Owned by Sir Henry Spelman and Ole Worm.” 55.3: (Sept. [“The article explores the probable provenance of MS 7 at Bridewell Library in Dallas, Texas. On neither approach does Wyclif ‘s theory of universals postulate new and non-standard entities besides those recognized by more usual versions of realism. [This book argues that documentary culture (including charters, testaments, patents and seals) enabled writers to think in new ways about the conditions of textual production in late Medieval England.
This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.
interim quod ad me attinet, hoc in me egerunt cum scriberentur et agunt cum leguntur.
quid de illis alii sentiant, ipsi viderint; multis tamen fratribus eos multum placuisse et placere scio. It appears before us as a trophy torn from the grip of the unsayable after a prolonged struggle on the frontier between speech and silence. The `truth' of which Augustine spoke was not merely a quality of a verbal formula, but veracity itself, a quality of a living human person.
Under any one author’s name, works are listed in chronological order of publication. Covering a wide range of texts–scholastic and extramural, in Latin and in English, written over half a century from Wyclif to Netter–Ghosh concludes that by the first half of the 15th century Lollardy had partly won the day. “Reginald Bishop Pecock and the Idea of ‘Lollardy.'” Barr and Hutchinson 251-65. Ghosh examines how Lollardy maintained some intellectual coherence, some aspects of Pecock’s “reimagined scholastic thought” in his debates with Lollardy, and moves at the end towards characterizing mid-fifteenth-century Lollardy and how it might “relate to late medieval politics of biblical interpretation” (253).} —. Ghosh examines “Wyclif’s meta-discursive engagement with scholastic episteme, especially the status of the arts in education. Second, Wyclif introduces the discourse of ‘happiness’ in relation to . Logic is crucial to understanding the impact of this critique on vernacular Lollardy since it lies at the core of his definition of “scriptural logic.” “This was one aspect of his thought,” Ghosh argues, “taken up most enthusiastically by his followers” (258); he examines how in the tract . [Gillespie argues that the recent focus on Arundel’s Constitutions has obscured the influence of the Council of Konstanz on the fifteenth-century English church. [From the abstract: “[W]as there a uniquely and identifiable northern culture that responded differently than the south to heresy and to religious concerns? “English Views on the Reforms to be Undertaken in the General Councils (1400-1418) with special reference to the proposals made by Richard Ullerston.” D. It was not intended to function as a blueprint for the entire clergy.] —. “The Lollard Trail: Some Clues to the Spread of Pre-Protestant Religious Dissent in Scotland, and its Legacy.” 33 (2003): 1-34. “A rhetorical study of selected English sermons of John Wycliff.” Diss., Northwestern University, 1969. “Minor Devotional Writings.” Edwards and Pearsall 147-175. The binding encompasses three Middle English texts: a Wycliffite New Testament, a lectionary for Dominicals and Ferials, and a text on planting and grafting.”] Shettle, G. On the contrary, by at least one measure, his theory of universals is less extreme than Walter Burley’s, as Wyclif himself observes. “Friar Richard ‘Of Both Sexes.'” Barr and Hutchinson 13-31. “Lollardy and the Legal Document.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 155-174. The study covers a wide variety of medieval texts including sermons and trial records, 93.3 (July, 2009): 471-479. This is supported as the writer disregards the invocation of the saints and the worship of the Virgin Mary in his disputation. “The following chapters,” Summers says in her introduction, “examine how each author’s predicament of persecution and imprisonment precipitates and even prescribes the politial nature of his literary self-portrayal” (3). Furthermore, the texts are designed to oppose and counter the printed word and propoganda of the Church with Lollardy’s own authoritative texts” (112). Arguing for a later date, nearer to the 1408 than 1382, than its editors Bazire and Colledge considered, Sutherland reads the text attending to the fact that the text was written “at a time of acute anxiety regarding the translation of the Bible and the role of the vernacular in theological discourse” (354). The volume was endowed to the chapel but it isn’t known whether it actually resided there. as an overtly heretical or threatening text” (107).] —.
Full copies of some out-of-copyright texts are now available for download on this list. Sizes of downloads are given in megabytes (mb) at the end of the entry. Whatever its fate as a religious movement, it had successfully changed the intellectual landscape of England.”] —. [Rather than seeking after a doctrinally discrete group, Ghosh asks “whether it would be possible to identify a set of religio-intellectual interests pointing, not exactly towards a definitively outlined ‘heretical’ profile perhaps, but nevertheless to a more or less coherent , characterized pre-eminently by an intelligent and informed criticism of authority. As opposed to earlier theories of the relation of the liberal arts to philosophy, which argued that the arts were “remedial,” the means by which “the ‘reasonable’ human soul is led to recognize itself and its origins, from which it has been separated” by the fall (255, 253). In describing that influence, he asserts that intellectuals after Arundel’s time shared an interest in reform with the earlier followers of Wyclif at Oxford, although the two groups disagreed on the means for that reform. “The Geography of Dissent: Lollardy, Popular Religion, and Church Reform in Late Medieval York.” Ph. The north did, in fact, develop a different religious culture from the south. “Grace and Freedom in the Soteriology of John Wyclif.” 60 (2005): 279-337. For Wyclif, the universal is numerically identical with its singulars, but numerical identity is governed by something weaker than the indiscernibility of identicals.”] Spencer, Helen Leith. [On the heresy of Dominican Richard Helmsley, condemned in Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1385. Furnivall’s Last Fling: The Wyclif Society and Anglo-German Scholarly Relations, 1882-1992.” 65.272 (2014): 790-811. [From the abstract: “In Forschungen zum ‘Ackermann aus Böhmen’ (1930), Alois Bernt writes that every literary work is influenced by the time in which it was written. In addition, he uses John Wiclef’s key term—the right to property—as an interpretation of the right to possess one’s own life.”] Stevenson, Joseph. Within the chapter on the heretics, she argues that “both texts construct textual identities whose exemplary behavior in the face of imprisonment and persecution is designed to encourage other Lollards in the firmness of their beliefs, and convince [them] of the corruption of the Church. Sutherland illuminates the complicated and very self-aware stand the work’s author takes on the problem of translation.] Swanson, R. Swanson observes that the volume “would provide a channel for Wycliffite ideas to spread in the area; but that the volume was meant to join the chapel possessions suggests that it was not seen . Until the later medieval emergence of the book of hours, psalters were the books most widely owned by wealthy lay persons and were commonly used for learning to read.Many Psalters were richly illuminated and they include some of the most spectacular surviving examples of medieval book art.It therefore includes texts and studies about the literary, historical, cultural, and religious milieu of Lollardy as well as texts specifically about the heresy itself. [Birgitta was canonized in 1391 when the Lollard movement was heating up, but the paper mostly concerns the defenses of Birgitta by Mathias of Linköping and Alfonso of Jaén.] Emblom, Margaret. [This study is especially interesting for the detailed descriptions it gives of women and the reading communities they belonged to. “Lollardy and Late Medieval History.” Bose and Hornbeck 121-134. “Žižka’s Drum: The Political Uses of Popular Religion.” . With reference to select sermons, the Lanterne of Liȝt, and the trial of John Falks, the essay explores the potential for “new formalism” to complement and enrich the historical study of Lollardy.] Gellrich, Jesse. Analyzing the interrogations of Margery Kempe, Anne Askew, Marian Protestant women, Margaret Clitherow, and Quakers Katherine Evans and Sarah Cheevers, the book examines the complex dynamics of women’s writing, preaching, and authorship under separate regimes of religious persecution and censorship.”] —. [According to the abstract, this study “tells the story of early modern women’s preaching: how it was suppressed, and the unexpected places where it broke out. [“A governing argument of this chapter will be that the spheres of academic speculation and extra-mural religiosity across a range of social classes affected each other in ways that disable” a traditional polarity between what have been term an academic “Wycliffism” and a popular “lollardy” outside of the university. “Wycliffite ‘Affiliations’: Some Intellectual-Historical Perspectives.” Bose and Hornbeck 13-32. “Texts for a Poor Church: John Wyclif and the Decretals.” 20.1 (Feb. [This article focuses on papal decretals and English religious reformer John Wyclif’s views on it. A final chapter, which includes analyses of works by Chaucer, Hoccleve, and related writers, proposes far-reaching revisions to current histories of the arts of composition in medieval England.”] Scattergood, V. (on 50-54) in which Cole, dating the text to the mid- to late 1380s, argues that it comprises part of the contemporary re-invention of lollardy. Probably direct influence cannot be proven, but at least there is a striking parallelism between Martynas Mažvydas and John Wycliffe in the rendering of the Decalogue.” Schmalsteig examines this parallelism via a linguistic analysis.] Schofield, A. It differs from other studies by arguing that the subject cannot be understood simply by asking theological questions about people’s beliefs, but must be understood by asking political questions about how they negotiated with state power. Šmahel gives an annotated list of the various earliest manuscripts of official . It is certainly true that Wyclif is extremely vocal and insistent about his realism, but it is not obvious that the actual content of his view is especially extreme. “Penances Imposed on Kentish Lollards by Archbishop Warham 1511-12.” Aston and Richmond 229-249. This list is divided alphabetically into four roughly equal parts: A-D, E-J, K-P, and R-Z. “‘I Herd an Harping on a Hille’: Its Text and Context.” . Since many of the women she describes are orthodox, this book also illustrates the range of belief and practice along the continuum from orthodox to heterodox. [In response to the increasingly interdisciplinary study of Lollardy, Forrest explores how “lollard studies” have diverged from the disciplinary study of medieval history. “Heresy Inquisition and Authorship, 1400-1560.” Flannery and Walker 130-145. “Trying Testimony: Heresy, Interrogation and the English Woman Writer, 1400—1670.” Ph. It argues that women writers turned discourses meant to incriminate them to their own instructional purposes. 1438), Protestant reformer Anne Askew (d.1546), and Quakers Katherine Evans (d.1692) and Sarah Cheevers (fl. “The very shape of what emerged as ‘Lollardy,’ as well as ‘orthodoxy,’ was determined by the very rich . [Ghosh analyzes the combination of scholastic discourse and anti-academic polemic in a Wycliffite treatise on the Eucharist (De oblacione iugis sacrifcii), placing the treatise in the context a larger fifteenth-century debate over the appropriate method and style for theological writing, given its widening audience.] —. Wyclif did not summarily dismiss the contents of those thirteenth- and fourteenth-century collections of papal letters which began with Gregory IX’s 1234 Liber Extra. Scattergood argues that Cole probably dates the text too early.] —. [Scattergood examines ways in which, unlike other lollards, Oldcastle “was a special case. “An English Version of Some Events in Bohemia During 1434.” . [While this book does not discuss Wyclif or his contemporaries directly, it gives a very helpful discussion of many of this issues, such as the varieties and effects of different kinds of pardons, which play out in the texts of the later fourteenth century.] Shagan, Ethan. Therefore, it concerns political as well as religious history, since it asserts that, even at the popular level, political and theological processes were inseparable in the sixteenth century.”] Shepherd, Stephen. The paper distinguishes two common medieval notions of a universal, the Aristotelian/ Porphyrian one in terms of predication and the Boethian one in terms of being metaphysically common to many. The other books associated with it were the Lectionary, the Antiphonary, and Responsoriale, and the Hymnary.